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    National Tsing Hua University Institutional Repository > 清華出版品 > 01 清華學報 > 新40卷第1期 >  漢語動詞刪略句中的移位與接應代詞用法


    Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://nthur.lib.nthu.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/74349


    Title: 漢語動詞刪略句中的移位與接應代詞用法
    Other Titles: A Movement and Resumption Approach to VP-Ellipsis in Mandarin Chinese
    Authors: 魏廷冀;Wei,Ting-chi
    Date: 2010/03
    Publisher: 國立清華大學出版社
    Relation: 清華學報,國立清華大學,2010,new,v.40,n.1,p.113
    Keywords: 漢語
    動詞
    刪略句
    移位
    接應代詞
    Abstract: 本文探討漢語動詞刪略句中,「也是」、「也/(卻)助動詞」及「也/(卻)動詞」之後空號範疇的真實屬性。經過副詞刪略、向後照應、孤島限制、語用前行語、第三指涉意以及無定前行語之測試後,我們提出以Shlonsky(1992)和Aoun, Choueiri, and Hornstein(2001)所提,接應代詞用法為句法操作上最後手段之觀念為基礎,認為從基底衍生的空號範疇會以運符移位的方式,提升至刪略小句前之位置,指涉其前行語,其動機是為了滿足對等句之間的主題與評論的謂語關係;這些空號範疇必須由一個中心語(是/助動詞/動詞)來認可。我們發現「也/(卻)助動詞/動詞」之所以有別於「也是」,允許向後照應、語用前行語及動詞第三指涉意,但不遵守孤島限制的原因,在於其空號範疇之認可,是藉由語意明確的助動詞和動詞來完成,不同於語意空洞的焦點標誌「是」;換言之,明確的語意內涵賦予空號範疇足夠的指涉能力,可以超越句界甚至孤島;以此我們推論指涉能力與接應代詞用法關係密切;當運符移位受到孤島阻礙時,「也/(卻)助動詞/動詞」可以啟動接應代詞用法,利用運符與接應代詞之間的約束,避開孤島違反,造成所謂孤島修復之效應;反之「也是」遵守孤島條件,與其缺接應代詞之補救機制有關,因此沒有孤島修復效應。最後我們歸納出三種空號範疇的可能屬性:(一)由運符移位產生的變項;(二)與運符約束的接應代詞;(三)與無定前行語照應的事件型空代詞。 This study investigates the identity of the missing elements following the three variants of Mandarin VP-ellipsis, ye-shi, ye/ (que)-Aux, and ye/ (que)-V. Each of these is surveyed from the points of view of adverbial deletion, backwards anaphora, island effects, pragmatic antecedents, the third reading, and indefinite correlates. In line with Shlonsky (1992) and Aoun, Choueiri, and Hornstein (2001), we propose a movement and resumption analysis, assuming that the base-generated empty category after each variant is motivated to be raised to the initial position of the second conjunct for further construal with its correlative antecedent, in order to fulfill the topic-comment predication between conjuncts. Each empty category is licensed by a head remnant, shi, Aux, or V. We find that the semantically-rich licensing heads, Aux and V, differ from the semantically-bleached focus marker shi, in that they provide the following empty categories with definite clues to their referents. This further leads to legitimacy regarding backwards anaphora, pragmatic antecedent, the third reading, and even the use of a resumptive device for island amelioration. That is why resumption, as a last resort in syntax, can interpret the island repair effect in the cases of ye/ (que)-Aux/V, especially when the movement of the nominal or predicate operator is blocked by islands. In contrast, a ban on resumption causes ye-shi to strictly respect island effects. Finally, we conclude that the empty cate-gories can be a variable, resumptive element, and even E-type pro, which refers to an indefinite NP correlate.
    URI: http://thjcs.hss.nthu.edu.tw/catalogue_detail.php?id=949
    http://thup.et.nthu.edu.tw/
    http://nthur.lib.nthu.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/74349
    Appears in Collections:[01 清華學報] 新40卷第1期

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