English  |  正體中文  |  简体中文  |  Items with full text/Total items : 54367/62174 (87%)
Visitors : 14497545      Online Users : 136
RC Version 6.0 © Powered By DSPACE, MIT. Enhanced by NTHU Library IR team.
Scope Tips:
  • please add "double quotation mark" for query phrases to get precise results
  • please goto advance search for comprehansive author search
  • Adv. Search
    HomeLoginUploadHelpAboutAdminister Goto mobile version

    Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://nthur.lib.nthu.edu.tw/dspace/handle/987654321/81795

    Title: An Acoustic and Perceptual Study of Vowel Nasal in Taiwanese
    Authors: Yung-hsiang Shawn Chang
    Date: 2008-10
    Publisher: Graduate Institute of Linguistics, National Tsing Hua University
    Relation: UST Working Papers in Linguistics, Graduate Institute of Linguistics, National Tsing Hua University, Volume 4, Pages 17-26
    Abstract: The contrast between nasal vowels and oral vowels is phonemic in Taiwanese, however, their distributions are not entirely contrastive. For example, nasal nuclei do not occur when the coda is a nasal. It is analyzed that historically the nasal feature of the nasal coda spreads leftward to the nucleus, when the vocalic nasalization is rephonologized, the nasal coda is lost. Therefore, it has been generally concluded that there is no phonemic nasalization in the vowel preceding nasal codas in Taiwanese (Ang, 2002; Li, 1990; Lien, 2000; Wang, 1999). On the other hand, as a universal phenomenon constrained by our speech mechanism, phonetic nasalization can take place in the vicinity of nasal consonants (Cohn, 1990; Ladefoged, 1996). The issue under debate then is whether nasal vowels and oral vowels in nasal contexts are truly distinguishable, or the constraint of their distributions is simply phonological (Chung, 1996). Syllables like CṼN and ṼN are illegal in Taiwanese. To account for this phonologically, Chung posited a nasal domain where onsets and nuclei form one domain and codas form one domain (see (1)). By the percolation principle, if one segment in a domain is nasal, then the other segment in the same domain has to be nasal as well. Only one nasal domain is allowed tautosyllabically in Taiwanese, and that is why the syllable types above are not allowed. Ang (2002) challenged Chung’s division of a syllable into two domains with evidence from transyllabic nasal spreading, which presupposes the nasal spreading from nucleus to coda. He used ranking of constraints in Optimality Theory to account for nasal spreading anomalies which were not well explained by previous phonological rules. However, as suggested by Chung, to validate these phonological patterns, we need to resort to acoustic studies to see to what extent phonemic nasalization (i.e., nasal vowels) and phonetic nasalization (i.e., nasalized oral vowels) are distinguished. That is, if indeed the nasality between nasal vowels and nasalized oral vowels is categorically different to native speakers, we would be able to maintain the analyses in phonology literature. If not, the vowel in VN may well be treated the same as a “true” nasal vowel.
    Relation Link: http://ling.nthu.edu.tw/USTWPL/vol4/vol4.htm
    URI: http://ling.nthu.edu.tw/USTWPL/vol4/2_An%20Acoustic%20and%20Perceptual%20Study%20of%20Vowel%20Nasal%20in%20Taiwanese_Chang,%20Yung-hsiang.pdf
    Appears in Collections:[UST Working Papers in Linguistics] 第4期

    Files in This Item:

    File Description SizeFormat
    204_JA07_2008_v4_p17.pdf245KbAdobe PDF498View/Open


    SFX Query


    DSpace Software Copyright © 2002-2004  MIT &  Hewlett-Packard  /   Enhanced by   NTU Library IR team Copyright ©   - Feedback